Information Security implications of using Java and AJAX Term Paper

Information Security implications of using Java and AJAX - Term Paper Example In fact, information technology based systems are currently more commonly used for business and personal tasks. However, distributed and e-commerce systems and applications normally depend on a wide variety of features and technologies in their realization, comprising scripting languages, web, server side systems, mobile processing and in fundamental database. Additionally, the mixture of these systems and technologies produces a system that necessitates extra concentration regarding various kinds of security and privacy issues and the system all together. In this scenario, in systems working and operations, these issues take place from the interactions of privacy and security arrangements accessible for every component (Lindquist, 2002). This research presents an analysis of the information security implications of using JAVA and AJAX. This research will focus on the security implications of using Java and AJAX, such as how easy/difficult it would be to secure a Java/AJAX applicatio n. This paper will also offer some recommendations for programmers who use Java/AJAX as a programming platform. This research will also present some of the major strengths and weaknesses, common security vulnerabilities and demonstration of findings regarding security and privacy issues. JAVA Programming and Security Issues One of the major software design considerations for the Java based platform is to offer a protected environment for running mobile code. Basically, the Java programming language encompasses its own exclusive set of safety and privacy aspects and challenges. In view of the fact that the Java security structure can defend a client and systems from hostile applications and can be downloaded over a network, hence it cannot protect beside system implementation issues that appear in the trust system code. Additionally, similar issues and bugs can involuntarily open a large number of security holes that the security arrangement was intended to hold, including access to printers, files, microphones, webcams and the network from behind firewalls. In some of the hardest issues local applications can be Java security disabled or executed. Without a doubt, these issues can turn the system into a zombie platform, take secret information from system and web, stop helpful process of the system; spy through linked devices, support additional security based attacks, and a number of other malicious tasks. In addition, the selection of programming language for system developments influences the robustness of a software application. In this scenario, the Java programming language and virtual machine offer a number of characteristics to ease and support common software programming issues and problems. Additionally, the programming language is type-safe, and the run-time offers automatic system memory management

AMCS 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

AMCS 2 - Essay Example Such elites claim that these actions were therefore no worse than fraternity hazing (Tetreault 33). Tetreault does not agree with such US elites. She believes that the photographs reveal something that is more sinister. In this article, she argues strongly that the photographs is an indication of a complex reactions by the US to the September 11, 2001 attacks. This is not all; Tetreault also claims that the actions are an indication of a need to punish those who are viewed by America as an inferior oriental enemy so as to assert U.S. global dominance. Tetreault gives a convincing reasons and evidences for her views of this matter. She begins by stating that images of dead people, dead Iraqis, convey a message of relief and victory. The message that says ‘my enemy is dead and I am alive.’ By looking at Tetreault’s next explanation, one can be convinced beyond doubt to declare that truly, Iraq is America’s enemy and the photos were a sign that US soldiers wer e showing their victory over the Iraqis. Tetreault states that the photographs taken resembled those taken by soldiers in times of war when they were taking photographs of their enemies. She also makes it clear that the photos are not just any other veteran publications because most of the photographs of Abu Ghraib belong to a genre that is rarely published by veterans (Tetreault 34). These photos are therefore a mock to Iraq that even in her own land, she had fallen to the hands of the US. One is likely to ask, why such kind of enemity? As Tetreault puts it, they are a reaction to the September 11, 2001 attacks. With such a view, the photographs cannot be interpreted better than as a sign of successful revenge. One is likely to sound somehow strange and unjustified to interpret such photographs are a sign that Iraq is one of the inferior oriental enemies of the US. However, Tetreault is strongly convinced of this. She states that if they are analyzed in the context of orientalism i n the chain of command of the US, it portrays a situation in which those who are vulnerable are subjected to direct and indirect violence. They are also comparable to rituals of violence orchestrated by elites (Tetreault 34). Rituals of violence here denote repeated acts of violence. they remind members of the points of agreement or core values they share. Furthermore, Tetreault is convinced that the pornographic photos are a strategy of domination by the US. They reveal rituals of violence that evidence power relations between the US and Iraq, occupier and occupied. This is signified by the photos showing naked and lewdly posed Iraqi men, as the subjects, and American women who were clothed and playing dominatrix roles. From creation, the complex cultural norms that define sexuality are feminine subjecting to masculine power. One will therefore not miss out on the point that such photos are a reverse of it all and thus, they are a testimony of the production and reproduction of glo bal dominance by the US. To this point, one will not be biased against the US to say that Tetreault’s claims have some elements of truth and thus, justified. The strongest point of the article is that its arguments are mainly based on critical analysis if the photographs presented and other justifiable truths. This makes the arguments presented highly convincing. However, this article alone cannot be used to make a strong formal accusation against

Arab Nationalism in the Modern Context

Arab Nationalism in the Modern Context ‘Arab Nationalism’ was an important part of anti-colonial struggle. A generation on it has little meaning today. Discuss. This essay will examine to what extent Arab nationalism as an ideology was of significance to the anti-colonial struggle and the influence of Arab nationalism in present times. A prominent question of interest in this study will be: was western domination eliminated due to the might of Arab nationalism? Certainly there has been a debate surrounding the significance of Arab nationalism today, this essay will highlight central issues surrounding the debate such as whether Arab nationalism has terminally declined or has just become a lessened force. A further question of concern will be: If Arab nationalism has gone into political remission could it be revived or gain appeal in present times? Furthermore this study will analyse when Arab nationalism was at its strongest and when the greatest expression of Arab nationalism were evident. Arab nationalism is considered to be a nationalist ideology which objective is to achieve a unified Arab nation encompassing the entire territory which is categorised as â€Å"the Arab World† from the Atlantic Ocean to the Persian Gulf (Karsh Karsh, 1996). The assertion of Arab nationalism is that there should be political unity within the Arab world. Arab nationalism is an ideology that stresses solidarity of the Arab people which is entrenched in a common language, history and culture. The Arabic language is considered to play a significant unifying role. Certain scholars such as al-Hursi deem that the Arabic language is a central element of Arab nationalism (Suleiman, 1994). In addition, the end of Western hegemony and domination in the Middle East and North Africa region was a prominent objective of Arab nationalism. The notion of unity was believed to be a method that could be utilised to overcome colonisation. Arab nationalism was considered to be the sole vital method capable of providing an avenue away from colonialism and imperialism and a means to eliminate colonialism altogether. It was regarded to have the potential to provide larger regional unity as it offered the foundation of establishing an amalgamated nation that could be capable of resisting colonial powers and ultimately attaining independence. Various forms of long lasting grievances were caused by colonial occupation such as political oppression and marginalisation plus excessive economic profits and resources were continuously seized and exploited by the colonial powers. Furthermore a foreign unfamiliar culture was forced upon the Arab populaces; Arab nationalism and the set of beliefs surrounding the ideology were believed to have the capability to dissolve such matters in order to redeem and revert back to an indigenous culture and heritage. Most of the Arab world experienced colonial suppression and were ruled by western powers such as Britain and France. Was Arab nationalism vital in the struggle against colonialism? It is deemed that â€Å"†¦through the imperial world during the decolonizing period, protest, resistance, and independence movements were fuelled by one or another nationalism† (Said, 1993). The end of the Second World War caused vast political, social and economic transformations to the world order subsequently certain colonised nations gained their independence. In spite of this, the end of explicit or direct colonialism obviously did not equate to the termination of colonial dominance. European powers sought to retain their power across the Middle East and North Africa and colonialism still dominated large parts of the region. European imperialist presence was still evident as certain monarchies were under their rule and were still well disposed to them. For example, Egypt had been granted independence by the British in 1933 however Britain still played a direct role in Egyptian affairs and exercised a huge influence over the nation. It would be in this context that Arab nationalism would serve to provide a compelling set of beliefs and gain ground as a robust force in opposition to foreign occupation. Rafik Asha deemed that â€Å"(Arab) nationalism constitutes the v ital soul-force of our people, the bloodstream of Arab life and political vitality, the spirit which guides a resurgent people towards freedom from domination, servitude and patronage† (Pfaff, 1970). The Arab nationalist movement was immensely advanced by Gamal Abdel Nasser whom attained power in Egypt and became the nation’s president. In 1956, Nasser nationalised the Suez Canal which had still been occupied by the British. Furthermore, he fought against British, French and Israeli hostility and attacks towards Egypt later on that year. Both these forms of action exhibited a defiant attitude towards the Western powers and inevitably forced them into submission. During this epoch, Arab nationalism gained immense support and popularity throughout the Middle East and North Africa due to Nasser’s leadership furthermore many people in other Arab nations believed that they shared a common struggle against colonial powers. Furthermore the establishment of the United Arab Republic in 1958, which was the fusion of Egypt and Syria into one nation, was a bold experiment of Arab unity. Arab unity is one of the principal goals of Arab nationalism and it had been finally achieved. Even though it was a short lived political union it was distinguished to be a significant triumph over Western imperialism and emphasised that Arab nationalism and Arab unity did have the potential to be a distinct reality instead of being a mere ideological dream. The Arab defeat of the 1967 war had an implicit impact on Arab nationalism and led to the questioning of the secular ideology which had dominated Arab politics during the 1950s and 1960s. â€Å"It took some time for the light to go out on Arab nationalism, but its power generator went down in June 1967. After the Six-Day War, the slide of Arab nationalism toward political marginality became irreversible† (Dawisha, 2003). It is important to note that there was a considerable amount of other challenges which hindered the accomplishment of Arab unity, the principle goal of Arab nationalism. For instance there were evidently competing fidelities to tribes, sects region and religion â€Å"the Arabs were divided into sub-states identities such as tribe, religion and sect† (Dawisha, 2003). Furthermore there were different interpretations and clarifications of Arab nationalism. â€Å"Variations on Arab nationalism multiplied sometimes even inspiring separate classifications su ch as Nasserism and Ba’thism, and even more arcane subclassifications, such as neo-Ba’thism. Many of these became rivals, even to the point of bloodshed† (Kramer, 1993). Certain scholars stress that nationalist sentiment in the Middle East has significantly declined as a consequence of contesting ideologies such as Islamism (Myhill, 2010). Since 1967, Islamism has increasingly been perceived as an alternative discourse to secular Arab nationalism. In particular, it is deemed by some to be a form of response to significant failures such as the defeat of 1967 and the failure of the Arab nations to unite politically. The dissatisfaction of the people permitted Islamist groups to mobilise further recruits. During the period in which Nasser’s Arab nationalism was in power, Islamist ideologies had been marginalised and had been repressed from the political arena. For instance Egypt and Syria constrained the actions of the Muslim Brotherhood. Such circumstances as the defeat of 1967 and the on growing disillusionment of Arab nationalism led to the return of Islamist movements to the political field as such experiences of loss allowed Islam to offer a discourse that would provide the assurance of restoring the Arab region to a condition of fullness and glory. Therefore as an outcome of the decline of Arab nationalism, Islamist ideology began to fill the political void. It is claimed that Islam is the solely authentic ideology native to the Arab people, in particular Islamists contented that the secular nationalist phase was â€Å"untrue to Islam and lacking ‘authenticity’† (Fuller, 2004). In a similar vein it is argued that â€Å"Arab soldiers would have fought more bravely and effectively under the banner of Islam then they did under that of Arab nationalism†. Taking all of this into consideration, it is noticeable that the notion of that Islamism has replaced secular Arab nationalism particularly since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war is widely held. â€Å"In the 1980’s and 1990’s, radical Islam had become for the Arab regimes what Arab nationalism was in the 1950’s and 1960’s† (Dawisha, 2005). A question of relevance here is: Does Arab nationalism have any importance or significance today? It is evident that Arab nationalism went into decline following the 1967 War and that Islamist movements have been deemed as an alternative ideology however is it past the point of resuscitation? Some scholars advocate that Arab unification is completely over with and has no significance in any form (Ajami, 1978). However some judge that Arab nationalism is still in existence but will unlikely to be a potent influence. â€Å"But the Arab world today is so complex and fragmented, with such a maldistribution of population and resources (with a result that exploitation is also skewed in its local intensities) that it seems unlikely that Arab qawmiyya nationalism will survive as a major formative force† (Leiden, 1979). Arab nationalism can no longer hold the assertion that it retains an absolute grip in the mentality of the Arab people. All this, however, should not diminish the potential importance for the future course of Arab politics and culture. â€Å"Yet the idea is not dead; it still possesses force and it is possible that it can be resurrected at some later time† (Leiden, 1979). In a similar vein, it is deemed that â€Å"the fact of Arab nationalism cannot be argued away. It is a major political and social phenomenon as well as a mobilising ideology that has shaken the whole region since the last years of the nineteenth century† (Nafaa, 1983). It cannot be denied that attempts and experiments of Arab unity have been endeavoured and have not produced sincere effective outcomes. For instance notably the United Arab Republic highlighted the disagreements between Egypt and Syria. Furthermore in terms of carrying out collective aims the Arab League which was formed in 1945 was meant to bring into line meaningful cooperation plus social and economic unity. However the Arab League failed to achieve any substantial outcomes. Arab nationalism as an ideology and political movement was meaningless if its ultimate goal, the organic unity of all Arabs was unrealisable (Dawisha, 2005). On a more individual level, at present many Arabs doubt the certainty of the belief in an Arab nation and are significantly less confident on whether there now is an existing collective Arab pursuit or objective (Kramer, 1993). However, does the prosepect of attaining Arab untity really hold no weight in present times? It is important to recognise that at present unities amongst certain nations in the world are prevailing and effective. Undoubtedly, nations gain more power in numbers and that a group of nations united will certainly be more potent than a group of nations separated and split. In recent times, some may deem that the Arab population strongly requires Arab nationalism in order to gain influence in international issues. Long lasting divisions and discords have caused certain Arab nations to be less prominent in international affairs even though the Arab populace represents a considerable amount of people in Middle East and North Africa. For instance, nation states such as Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia are utterly reliant on the West (Khashan, 2000). From the time that they were established, individual Arab states have continuously given precedence to their individual interests. In present times the notion of Arab unity which is the ultimate goal of Arab nationalism may not be as inadequate as many perceive it to be. Undeniably, the accepted wisdom and thinking surrounding Arab nationalism has be subjected to certain setbacks leading to a great sense of dissatisfaction and stunted ambitions. However the notion of Arab unity holds a certain weight and is still of relevance at the current moment in time. If one is to analyse this line of thought on a pragmatic level a coherent political community would stand to serve significant purposes. Some deem that Arab nations should in spite of everything still work towards unity in order to attain constructive entities. This could be regarded to be entities such as an economic market that guarantees free movement of trade, goods and labour, a cohesive stand when handling with foreign powers in concern with economic and political matters. Unity could also serve to provide rapid assistance to an Arab nation intimidated b y a foreign power and to resolve internal Arab disagreements. Additionally an entirely Arab military authority could even be utilised to prevent potential foreign invasions (Khashan, 2000). An innovation Arab awareness should be established on the values of solidarity and constructive cooperation so that nations can associate with one another beneficially. Furthermore, some deem that the decline of Arab nationalism and its lack of influence now are due to the diminishment of imperialism as the perceived enemy. It must be recognised that by the 1960s the threat of imperialism had diminished and the issue had become less pertinent. In specific instances in Egypt and Iraq the British presence had been removed, Algeria had gained independence from the French colonial power; the Baghdad pact had been beaten (Dawisha, 2003). Without the significance of the â€Å"anti-imperialist† or â€Å"anti-colonial† resonance had Arab nationalism deteriorated to be nothing but a meaningless slogan which has run its course? Furthermore the opposition to western domination presented an opportunity and motive for unity, divisions intensified once Western imperialist domination had been removed. â€Å"So long as the greater part of the Arab polities were under the domination of their British, French or Italian overlords, the Arab nationalist c ould cooperate with those espousing a more parochial nationalism in a common effort to expel the colonial power. But once these fragmented parts attained their political independence, the efforts made to unite politically the several parts of the Arab world foundered on the shoals of parochial consideration† (Pfaff, 1970). However, undeniably in more recent times the Arab world has found itself struggling to resist foreign domination yet again in terms of international interference in the forms of Western militaries and United Nations sanctions particularly since after 1990s. On one hand this may be interpreted to have pushed Arab nationalism to retreat virtually to its state of origin however on the other hand this may be seen as to be a potential catalyst for a revival of Arab nationalism. For instance, the 2003 invasion of Iraq evoked a reaction of a certain Arab nationalist rhetoric (Taylor, 2003). All of this points to the conclusion that even though in the present day the set of beliefs relating to Arab nationalism are not as widely held as they were in the epochs of the 1950s and 1960s furthermore many claimed that the Arab vision for unity was irrelevant and exhausted especially after the Arab defeat in 1967 and overshadowed by Islamist movements. In spite of this the existence of Arab nationalist ideas are still prevailing in the Arab world and unification and political amalgamation is still required. â€Å"Nationalism will always exist when one group feels exploited by another† (Leiden, 1979) therefore in the future Arab nationalism may become more appealing due to prevailing international interference in the region and western domination. It has become evident in this study that Arab nationalism was considered to be a force implemented against colonisation and imperialism in this line of thought Arab nationalist ideas could still be utilised today in order to atta in solidarity to deter foreign intrusions. Bibliography Ajami, F. (1978). End of Pan-Arabism. Foreign Affairs, 355-373. Dawisha, A. (2003). Requiem for Arab Nationalism. Middle East Quarterly, 25-41. Dawisha, A. (2005). Arab nationalism in the twentieth century : from triumph to despair. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Fuller, G. (2004). The future of political Islam. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Karsh, E., Karsh, I. (1996). Reflections on Arab nationalism. Middle Eastern Studies, 367-392. Khashan, H. (2000). Revitalizing Arab Nationalism. Middle East Quarterly, 49-56. Kramer, M. (1993). Arab nationalism: mistaken identity. Daedalus , 171-206. Leiden, C. (1979). Arab Nationalism Today. Middle East Review, 45-51. Myhill, J. (2010). The islamization of arab nationalism. Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society, 19-43. Nafaa, H. (1983). Arab Nationalism: A response to Ajamis Thesis of the End of Pan-Arabism. Journal of Arab Affairs, 173-199. Pfaff, R. (1970). The function of Arab nationalism. Comparative Politics, 147-167. Rubin, B. (1991). Pan-Arab nationalism: The ideological dream as compelling force. Journal of Contemporary History, 535-551. Said, E. (1993). Culture and imperialism. London: Random House LLC. Suleiman, Y. (1994). Nationalism and the Arabic language: A historical overview. In Y. Suleiman, Arabic sociolinguistics: Issues and perspectives (pp. 3-23). New York: Routledge . Taylor, P. (2003, April 04). War Spawns New Arab Nationalist Mood, Pride. Retrieved April 04, 2014, from Arab news: http://www.arabnews.com/node/230249

E.P Thompsons The making of the English Working Class Essay -- Thomps

E.P Thompson's The making of the English Working Class From looking at The making of the English Working Class it seems quite obvious that E.P Thompson’s main arguments throughout his book are about the notion of ‘class’, in particular the ‘making of the working class’ ; and in order to evaluate his theories we must attempt to look at other historians opinions about his book, and his suggested theories, in order to come to an impartial evaluation. Many historians have their own interpretations when trying to define class, like Bourke who links class to characteristics such as accent, clothing; Marx who states that class was ‘no more or less than an objective social category’; and E.P.Thompson’s definition, that class happens ‘as a result of class conscious experience.’ Therefore it is quite clear that class is a contested concept as there is no exact definition, thus making it more difficult for historians to come to a conclusion with evidence to prove it. The Making of the English Working Class is according to Kaye and McClelland, ‘the obligatory starting point for any contemporary discussion of the history of the working-class formation.’ This gives us the indication that Thompson had not just written another piece on the concepts of class but that his book ‘opened interpretive eyes to a new way of seeing class.’ In his book Thompson’s main purpose was to write adjacent to the grain of economic history by implying that ‘the working class did not rise like the sun at the appointed time. It was present in its own making.’ In this we can see how Thompson seems to envoke the working class experience in a vivid way, which is arguably one of the reasons why his book received such appraise. However his book also received much criticism, as Kaye and McClelland point that his ‘own theory of how class formation is determined remains highly ambiguous.’ This suggests that perhaps Thompson did not go into specific detail on how class was formed and when, which remains a highly debated topic. The fact that Thompson argues ‘thus the working- class presence was, in 1832, the most significant factor in British political life’, is argued by the Marxist historian Anderson, that class was not specifically made in the 1830’s due to its decline, but was perhaps made in the 1880’s. The fact that he insinuates that the English working class was not ‘made’ by the ... ...analysed the ‘master narrative’ in order to come to the conclusion that ‘the terminology of class was not the favoured language of radicals in Thompson’s period and after, rather the construct ‘the people’ predominated and tended towards inclusiveness and harmony between classes.’ From looking at various historians opinions regarding E.P.Thompson’s book The making of the English Working Class, it is quite evident that there are many opposing views about his work that have led to many criticisms as well as many appraisals. The topic of class is highly debatable due to the fact there is no specific definition of it. It is also debateable where it originated from and so we cannot just look at one historian’s interpretation of the subject but we need to look at many in order to come to our own conclusions of the concept of ‘class consciousnesses and ‘class identity’. Thompson has produced an ‘outstanding’ interpretation of his theories on what made the working class and many historians have made valid criticisms that allow us to question some of his main arguments within the book, meaning that the notion of class is still a contested concept for which there is no specific answer.

Bud, Not Buddy

Bud, Not Buddy is a children's novel written by Christopher Paul Curtis set during the time of the Great Depression in the United States. The novel tells the story of an African American boy named Bud Caldwell who becomes orphaned when his mother dies. He is later adopted and sent to a foster home but leaves due to abuses that he experiences. He searches for the person the thinks is his father. The significance of the title is shown early on in the novel.When a caseworker asks him if he is Buddy Caldwell, he corrects her by saying that it is â€Å"Bud, not Buddy. † Bud gives this correction in order to remind not only the caseworker but the people around him that he is already an adult and not a boy anymore. Bud later shows just what he means by telling another kid, Jerry, in the orphanage that the kid will have a better life compared to what he will be facing. This small gesture immediately makes an impression on Jerry who is now not afraid of being adopted anymore.As the sto ry progresses, we are shown just how much of a kid Bud is. However despite having fear, as most kids have, like vampires, Bud continues on his journey. While he does not find what he is looking for, he does find people that he can call his own and discovers the beauty of jazz at the same time. While still a ten-year old kid, Bud shows the readers just how much of an adult he is. Despite the hardships that he has undergone, he continually reveals just how much of a survivor he is.He not only manages to practice the good manners taught to him by his mother, but is also resourceful and even innovative. By giving the correction to how what his real name is, Bud, not Buddy, the main protagonist shows us how he wants to be an adult and be responsible. The book works well not only on adults but on kids as well. While the book has some serious themes like segregation during the 1930s, it also has themes that children can relate to like helping people or the concept of fate.

High Feeding Costs Limit Dive Time Essay

Despite their massive appearance, the largest whales (and also the largest predators) have shorter dive time compared to other smaller fishes. Our hypothesis is that ‘lunge-feeding’ (the whales’ feeding behavior), is energetically expensive resulting to inability to dive at lower depths and at longer time intervals. This study is aimed at determining how and why the largest whales exhibit shorter dives by examining how lunge-feeding affects their behavior and dive duration. Methods In order to determine how and why the largest whales exhibit shorter dive times compared to other fishes, we have to study how its lunge-feeding behavior affects whales’ overall behavior and their dive time limit. In gathering data, we used remote sensing techniques. In this experiment, we used the TDR â€Å"time/depth recorders† technique since it is the most applicable method considering that the subjects were not in a controlled environment. The TDRs actually recorded the oxygen level of each tagged whale. After some time, the TDRs were collected and the results were analyzed through specialized software that translates the data from the TDRs. Results showed that the whales move faster when at the ascent (or climbing) portion of the dive while it showed that whales move significantly slower during descent. Recovery time spent at the surface was also viewed as an important factor in determining the effect of lunge-feeding. Our tests showed that there is a correlation between the number of lunges and the time spent recovering at the surface. Finally, using optimality models, we were able to compare the results of the actual study to the predicted outcome. The result was a common cost for lunge dives which indicated the high energy cost during lunge dives resulting to shorter dive duration. Results and Discussion Results of this experiment showed that there is a relationship between the number of lunges and the surface recovery intervals. The TDR analysis showed that whales move faster during ascent and move significantly slower when at descent. This indicated that lunge-feeding is energetically expensive. We were able to measure the high energy cost of lunge-feeding using the remote sensing technique. Whales usually recover at the surface after each dive and the length of stay at the surface is relative to the number of lunges it makes during the dive. The more lunges the whales make during feeding, the more time it spent at the surface for recovery. The optimality models showed the relative differences between the lunging-costly model versus the no-cost model. In the lunging-costly model, observed forage depths, vertical speed, number of lunges, time spent recovering at the surface, are some of the variables that were examined to provide an outright solution. Conclusion Based on the results of this experiment, it has been found out that lunge-feeding in large whales is an energetically expensive activity. Using the TDR technique to record the energy cost of lunge, we were able to deduce that the more lunges a whale makes, the more time it spends recovering at the surface, usually regaining oxygen levels. Therefore, the high energy requirements of lunge-feeding limit the dive time and depth of dive in large whales. Reference: Acevedo-Gutierrez, A. , Croll, D. A. , and Tershy, B. R. (2002). â€Å"High Feeding Costs Limit Dive Time in the Largest Whales†. The Journal of Experimental Biology, 205, 1747-1753.